Idlib, located in the northwest corner of Syria, has become a haven for terrorists, anti-regime fighters and desperate civilians who fled there after the fall of Aleppo and Daraa. The province’s population is now about 3 million, swollen by perhaps 1 million refugees. In the Idlib cauldron are about 10,000 hardcore al-Qaeda fighters, along with foreign jihadists who joined the Islamic State caliphate.
Turkey fears that a massive assault on Idlib could drive as many as 2.5 million refugees north toward the Turkish border. From there, some (including terrorists) would try to make their way to Europe, creating a new security nightmare for countries already panicked by refugees. Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations’ envoy for Syria, this week described Idlib as a “perfect storm.” In this case, that overused metaphor seems apt.
U.S. goals in Syria have been sketched publicly by Pompeo and Mattis: withdrawal of all Iranian-commanded forces from the country, rather than just from a 50-mile buffer zone along the Israel border, as in the deal Russia arranged; and a political transition that can prevent Syria from becoming a terrorist base again and stabilize it enough that refugees can return to their homes. Pompeo and Mattis want more U.S. involvement in the Geneva deliberations on a political transition, too.
The challenge is convincing Syria’s neighbors that America’s influence still matters, particularly when Russia and the Assad regime seem poised for victory. Israel has worked closely with Moscow this year as it struck Iranian targets in Syria. But Israeli officials say they’ve concluded that only the United States can drive Iranian commanders from the field. Jordan, too, has welcomed Russian help in reopening its border crossing with Syria, but Amman’s survival depends on U.S. aid.
Turkey poses the trickiest problem. Its relations with the United States are poisonous these days because of the botched deal to free American pastor Andrew Brunson. But on the ground in Syria, cooperation is far better than it was six months ago, thanks to a face-saving accord between Turkish forces and U.S.-backed Syrian Kurdish fighters. Russia doesn’t have all the answers, in other words.
The paradox of Syria is that the stablest area now is probably the northeast, where U.S. forces operate alongside Kurdish-led militias, Sunni opposition groups, Turkish-backed fighters and elements friendly to the regime. If the United States really means to be back in the Syria game, it must prevent the Idlib bloodbath — and then encourage this same process of coexistence across the country.
(Courtesy : The Washington Post)